Donations to a political party by private individuals—particularly captains of industry—sustain that organ’s noble public cause.
Yet it must not be forgotten that such donations also secure close proximity to power and protection of private property.
Therefore, such donations are not usually a reflection of love for a political party: this is capital protecting itself, and that is fine.
However, in the inevitable consequence of regime change, money as an expression of allegiance to a political cause can always be conveniently transferred from one party to another—especially where transitional continuities and discontinuities are rampant.
This is why Rhodesian capitalists found comfort in funding the birth of Morgan Tsvangirai’s anti-land reform and pro-sanctions political project: the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Nevertheless, donations to political parties must be the reciprocal normalcy—particularly when the same sponsors benefit from a governing party’s empowerment initiatives.
In any case, Black capital must finance ideas supporting Afrocentric dimensions of power consolidation.
This is why nationalist movements across the continent should produce “revolutionary millionaires and billionaires.”
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Likewise, white monopoly capital finances the proliferation of neoliberal cancerous agendas in post-colonial Africa.
Lest we forget: colonialism enabled the Global North’s primitive accumulation, looting, exploitation, and the birth of systematic corruption in Africa.
In colonial Africa, politics was a facilitator for white economic interests to thrive.
Therefore, in post-colonial Africa, it is a blessing in disguise for Black capital to promote an anti-colonial entity’s longevity.
Those who benefited immensely from deliberate downstream access to capital must support the parties that delivered such fortunes to their doorsteps.
Yet no matter the scale of donations—even billions—donors must not be excessively hyped as if their contributions are the first or finest boon to a decades-old institution.
It must not be forgotten that before the now intensively publicised donations to Zanu PF, the party sustained its crushing of opposition (dating to Rhodesia’s collapse) despite incumbency advantages and Rhodesian business moguls’ sponsorship.
The party of Zimbabwe’s permanent revolution—Zanu PF—defeated a wealthier imperialist state and the MDC’s regime-change machinations through ideological precision and moral standing, not just big campaign coffers.
With history’s currency, its rightful place in the national biography and its delivery of Zimbabwe’s perennial aspirations, Zanu PF is destined to be in power for plenty years to come.
Only unyielding ideological morals anchor its longevity; money is a mere secondary enabler.
In August—next month—our party, Zanu PF, turns 62, following its formation in 1963 at Nkala’s Highfields home, then the hive of nationalist awakening.
Ironically, this is the same month we will be celebrating our national heroes and defence forces who took up the fight against colonialism with plain courage and the gun and not with money.
In metaphoric terms, this means that Zanu PF will be a 62 year old adult in the coming days.
Therefore, Zanu PF is much older than some individuals whose hyped trinkets to the party are now straying the focus from ideological rigour driven debates to new and unsustainable obsessions of thinking that basic charisma and charm needed for politicians to appeal to the minds and hearts of the people can be replaced by dollar signs.
Yesteryear donors never leveraged financial privilege to hype themselves into party structures. Their silent assistance enabled Zanu and PF Zapu to birth our 1980 liberation.
Thus, cash-splashing overtures alone are hollow premises for monied elites to occupy political posts.
If public office hinges on wallet size, not popularity, our revolution risks burial yesterday —not tomorrow.
We are as good as dead yesterday if we are not investing in the preservation of the revolutionary ethos which have kept our party alive since the days of the National Democratic Party (NDP) of the 1940s.
Money alone cannot be the free pass to power.
This would create a precedence for shutting poor politically capable members of society from serving their party. In other words, money without the right attributes, political grooming and substantive rationalisation of the far-reaching effects of public statements can only hype a party to unpopularity.
Any sensible political party needs leaders and potential leaders who can competitively and compellingly sell its agendas and not entrepreneurial motivational speakers.
For some of us, ZanuPF is our hope for the future and as such Zanu PF must be protected from being engulfed by capital which supports private interests and no solid, tried and tested interests to jealously guard public revolutionary interests.
We must not donate Zanu PF to individuals whose popularity is much thinner than their bank balances.
However, there is no harm in having their huge bank balances supporting a popular national cause embodied in Zanu PF’s place in the hearts and minds of the nation’s majority.
Pamberi ne Zimbabwe!
Pamberi ne Zanu PF!
Pasi ne Zvigananda !
