PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s shocking decision to allow President Robert Mugabe to have his way in the appointment of commissioners and his concessions in the constitution-making exercise are a result of a combination of secret deals, blackmail and a cosy relationship with Mugabe, among other things, insiders have revealed.
Owen Gagare/Paidamoyo Muzulu
MDC-T officials and supporters are baffled at how the premier has caved in to Mugabe’s wishes on critical issues, including the appointment of a Zanu PF politburo member Jacob Mudenda as chairman of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission.
MDC-T officials say Tsvangirai has trashed party positions in dealing with Mugabe on several occasions.
For example, the MDC-T national council and national executive resolved the party would not allow the draft constitution agreed to on July 18 2012 to be amended after Mugabe declared that the principals would have the final say, but Tsvangirai eventually relented despite several public denials of reports that he had struck an agreement with the Zanu PF leader and former nemesis.
Senior officials say they believe Tsvangirai was cajoled into accepting Zanu PF nominees for commissions and changes to the Copac draft despite his party’s position because of alleged damaging information collected during a sting operations by security agents during the tenure of the coalition government.
A number of women have publicly alleged affairs with Tsvangirai ahead of his union with his wife Elizabeth Macheka last year.
His relationship with Lorcadia Karimatsenga-Tembo turned particularly nasty as she dragged the premier to court on the grounds that she was legally married to him.
She managed to halt Tsvangirai’s planned white wedding to Macheka, resulting in the couple resorting to a customary union.
“Mugabe came to Tsvangirai’s rescue by ordering state security agents and state media to stop interfering with Tsvangirai’s private life; had he not done so, his reputation would have been left in tatters because they had a lot of damaging information about him,” said a party official.
“Mugabe also came to Tsvangirai’s rescue when he was facing arrest for alleged double dipping after allegedly taking money from Treasury and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe for the construction of his Highlands house; so for that he is grateful,” said the source.
“Besides that, it is clear that their relationship has evolved with time and he now feels at home around Mugabe. It is believed the two have a number of secret deals or some illusions of such and we can safely say that he now trusts Mugabe more.
“It seems Mugabe has convinced Tsvangirai that they have the same interests as principals; which interests they should protect through the principals forum. During the constitution-making exercise, for instance, Mugabe told Tsvangirai that their subordinates wanted to use the exercise to reduce their power so that they enhance their own political ambitions, hence the decision that they have the final say.”
Tsvangirai’s recent unpopular decisions fall into a well-documented pattern that developed since 2010 when he slowly allowed issues surrounding appointments of police commissioner-general Augustine Chihuri, RBZ governor Gideon Gono and Attorney-General Johannes Tomana to go off the public radar, despite his party’s initial stiff resistance.
A senior intelligence officer confirmed the existence of damning material against Tsvangirai that has been covertly collected since the formation of the coalition government.
“He (Tsvangirai) is a sitting duck in many ways,” said the intelligence officer.
“The evidence we have can split his party, end his political career and might lead to his incarceration. Tsvangirai is still a free man because of Mugabe’s benevolence, hence he is in his pocket.”